State religion and secularism: Bangladesh's double standards

Secularists, intellectuals and minority communities were surprised but cheered when the Bangladesh Supreme Court in February decided to review a writ petition that challenged the insertion of Islam as the state religion in the country's constitution in 1988.

The high hopes over the review decision were understandable.

This Muslim-majority nation of 160 million was born secular, yet accepted Islam as the state religion for nearly three decades. As a result Bangladesh's minority communities have often considered themselves inferior to followers of the country's dominant religion.

Many believed the court's original intention to review the case 28 years after the petition was filed, was aimed at containing the sudden rise of Islamic fundamentalism in the country. Bangladesh has recently experienced a series of atheist blogger killings, attacks on Muslim sects like Shias and Ahmadis, religious minorities including Buddhists, Christians and Hindus.

As the guardian of the constitution, it was a rare chance for the court to make a just decision by reinstating the original character of the charter by shrugging off dual characteristics.

However, the hope and enthusiasm were short-lived.  

A month later the court dismissed the petition. This was done moments after the hearing opened and without examining any arguments.

Presumably, the court's decision was influenced by threats of violent protests from Islamic groups including the largest radical Islamic political party Jamaat-e-Islami and Hefazat-e-Islam, an umbrella group of radical Islamic groups.

The protesters argued that if a state can have a state language, fruit or flower, why shouldn't there be a state religion for a country where 90 percent of the people are Muslim. The logic seems medieval and irrational in a modern democratic world, but the court didn't have enough courage to challenge it.

Drafted in 1972, the original constitution declared the country a secular state.

Due to the disastrous and oppressive rule of Islamic Pakistan from 1947-1971, Bangladesh's founding fathers inserted secularism as one of the four key foundations of the newborn nation.

The victory in the war was also a victory for moderate Islam. An act of defiance against Wahhabism, the extremist form of Islam encouraged during Pakistan's rule.

While some in the West now interpret secularism as being "anti-religion," here in Bangladesh its meaning is about having equal respect for all religions and aspirations for religious harmony.

Bangladesh's march toward secularism was halted when the country's first president, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, was assassinated with most of his family members, in a 1975 military coup. The military were allegedly supported by Islamist parties and groups who lost power following the war.

That was the beginning of a host of efforts to Islamize the country.

Military ruler Ziaur Rahman erased secularism from the constitution in 1977 and replaced it with "Absolute trust and faith in almighty Allah." Rahman's successor, H.M. Ershard — another military ruler — made Islam the state religion in 1988.

Both rulers aimed at making the nation more Islamic for political gain. Their rule — until the restoration of democracy in the 1990s — saw a massive shift in the country's political arena, most notably the revival of religion-based politics and political parties, which were banned in independent Bangladesh.

Since the 1990s, power has altered between the center-left Awami League and the center-right Bangladesh Nationalist Party, but none of them have dared to touch the issue of Islam as the state religion.

However, the ruling Awami League, reasserted secularism in the constitution in 2011. But fearing protests and losing votes, they refrained from removing Islam as the state religion.

Now having a constitution that accepts secularism as one of four key principles but also recognizes Islam as the state religion is a pure case of double standards.

While the Bangladesh constitution guarantees equal rights and opportunities to citizens irrespective of their ethnicity, caste and creed, the state religion issue has indirectly established supremacy for Islam in the country. In other words, it means Islam gets preferential treatment over other religions, at least symbolically.

Today, many Muslims have the impression that they belong to a superior religion and attempt to justify any abuse against religious minorities citing such supremacy. They even abuse secular intellectual voices who promote religious harmony and tolerance.

This attitude has directly and indirectly contributed to the torture and abuse of minority people, especially Hindus, the country's largest minority group. This includes the theft of land and property, torture and killing for land and the sexual assault of Hindu women.

All these abuses have forced a mass exodus of Hindus from the country. In 1947, Hindus accounted for 29.7 percent of the population but it stands at about 9 percent today.

Christians and Buddhists account for 1 percent of the population and they also face similar oppression although on a smaller scale. About 3 million indigenous people, many of whom are Christians and Buddhists, are not spared from abuse because they are a minority.

One could say that the recent rise of Islamic radicalism in Bangladesh is influenced by global Islamic fundamentalism, but its foundation is the long-lasting influence of Islam as the state religion. When a state officially endorses and patronizes a religion, undoubtedly it emboldens religious radicals who often use religion as a shield for material and intangible gains.   

Now a great opportunity to overturn the situation was missed when the court last month decided to reject the petition challenging the idea of the country having a state religion.

Minority communities were dismayed over the decision. The country's civil society groups and secular intellectuals, even the vibrant media, didn't take a strong enough stand to scrap state religion.

Meanwhile the political parties and state machinery kept silent as expected. As for the greater society, it seems it has accepted having a state religion forever.

The idea of a state religion is dangerous in a modern world. Yet it is still nurtured in parts of the Islamic world, especially in the Middle East and countries like Pakistan. Most of these countries feel the brunt of Islamic fundamentalism. As we see with recent events in France and Belgium, the West is no longer immune to fanaticism either.

Bangladesh's crisis with fanaticism is long-running and ongoing. Secular activists are being attacked and killed, minority sects and communities are being targeted and the radicals don't seem to be stopping.

It's difficult to predict whether Bangladesh will ever have a truly secular constitution without a state religion. Most likely it's not going to happen anymore.

The current wave of extremism is just the tip of the iceberg of what this state religion might exacerbate. In all probabilities, the worst is yet to come.

END

Original Post State religion and secularism: Bangladesh's double standards

Searching for solutions to Bangladesh's overpopulation

In the traffic-choked streets and markets of Dhaka, careless pedestrians are knocked off their feet by vast crowds flowing through the city like a human tsunami.  

The Bangladeshi capital is infamous for its traffic for all the wrong reasons. Overcrowding on public transport results in regular tragic accidents. Ferries load passengers several times higherthan their capacity invites disaster.

With over 161 million people crammed into a total area of 147,570 square kilometers, Bangladesh is currently ranked the eighth most populous nation in the world. In contrast, Russia is about 120 times bigger than Bangladesh, but has a population of 144 million.

Although Bangladesh's economy has grown 5-6 per cent annually over the past two decades, the government's development programs have had little impact on living conditions.            

Serious problem but least attention

When Bangladesh gained independence from Pakistan in 1971, the population was slightly over 70 million. The figure has more than doubled over the next three decades, prompting urgent family planning campaigns.

The campaign, "Boy or girl two children are enough" was successful in dropping the total fertility rate (TFR) — the number of children a woman expected to have in her lifetime — from 6.4 in 1971 to 2.2 today.

Even with this reduction population growth is still a problem. About 253 people are added to the population every hour, according to a report by National Institute of Population Research and Training. 

Bangladesh has a national population policy that aimed to reduce the TFR further but it seems to have frozen and problems related to overcrowding, poverty, crime and disease have kept growing.

An overcrowded train departs Bangladesh capital Dhaka in this file photo. With a population of over 161 million, Bangladesh is one of the most densely populated places in the world. (ucanews.com photo) 

A secret solution?

Bangladesh's Christian minority accounts for less than half a per cent of the population. But while the national population has ballooned, the mostly Catholic Christian population has remained stable for nearly two decades.

One generation ago, Christian families used to have 4-6 children on average. But today, Christian families tend to have two children. How have they been able to stabilize their population growth?

The Catholic Church has always been against artificial birth control and has encouraged families to observe the fertile and infertile phases of a woman's menstrual cycle to avoid unexpected pregnancy.

But according to a controversial data set released by the Guttmacher Institute, 98 percent of Catholic women interviewed have used a method of contraception other than natural family planning.  

Bangladeshi Christians also tend to be better educated. They have a literacy rate of 70-80 percent which is higher than the national average of 60 percent.

They are usually middle-class and keep their families small so they can maintain their lifestyle and offer their children a good education and opportunities. And it is not just Christians, indeed, it is an adage in the Bangladeshi middle class that a "small family is a happy family."

Better education seems to help lower the TFR. In Bangladesh, the primary school enrollment rate is 100 percent every year. But the school dropout rate is high, about 30 percent at primary level, and up to 60 percent at secondary level. Ultimately, only 5 percent of students graduate. 

In order to tame the population crisis, the government must improve education and make schooling free up to graduate level. They need to again prioritize overpopulation by creating a permanent council with eminent experts, demographers and social scientists to advise on demographic policy.

Despite many adversities since independence Bangladesh has become lower-middle-income country thanks to extraordinary gains in the agricultural sector, burgeoning garment industry and a steady flow of remittance from about 10 million expatriate workers. 

Now, Bangladesh is gunning for the tag of "developed country" by 2041, on the 70^th anniversary of the nation's independence. But, unless the nation can aptly address overpopulation, the goal will remain a wish. 

END


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Bangladeshi mystics continue tradition despite adversity

For two-thirds of his life, Ismail Shah was a family man. He and his wife raised four sons and a daughter, relying on agriculture to support their family.

Born to a Muslim family in a village in Mirpur, Kushtia district in western Bangladesh, Shah, now 66, married off his sons and daughter and, like most Bangladeshi villagers, looked forward to retirement.

But everything changed 22 years ago when he answered a spiritual calling.

Shah renounced all worldly possessions and left his home with his wife, Shahela, to become a Baul — a mystic singer who follows the philosophy of Lalon Shah, a popular 19th century Bengali musician, philosopher and social reformer.

He and Shahela started wandering from village to village, singing Lalon's moving songs of humanism and tolerance playing an ektara, a one-stringed musical instrument. 

"Lalon's songs inspired me to become a Baul, as they preach humanism and promote peace and harmony," Shah told ucanews.com.

"I found a spiritual solace in his songs and ideology that I couldn't find in Islam. So, my wife and I have dedicated our lives to preaching Lalon's songs and ideology," said Shah, who is now the leader of 10-member Baul group.

Ismail Shah

Shah's life as a Baul is one full of adversity but he said that it helps him to "purify my body and soul."

"We move from one place to another and live on alms and donations. We have adversities but we face them with a smile," he said.    

Shah and his group attended the three-day annual Lalon festival Oct. 17-19, commemorating the 126th death anniversary of Lalon at Chheuria in Kushtia, where the legendary musician set up an ashram for his followers.

The largest gathering of its kind, the celebrations attracted some 5,000 Bauls and visitors this year. 

Sufia Pagli, 70, is so attached to Lalon's ideology that she introduces herself as "Lalon's mother."

"After 18 years of family life, I left home to find the true meaning of life. I worked as an Islamic preacher but I slowly developed a strong interest in Lalon. Now, I am devout follower of Lalon and I have found truth in his way of life and teachings," Pagli told ucanews.com.

"If we can become humanists, we can serve humanity best. To do this, we don't need to belong to any particular religion or caste. Lalon's philosophy is the best philosophy and we are called to spread it around the world," she added.

Centuries-old tradition still going strong 

Baul philosophy is considered both a religious sect and tradition — a fusion of Sufi Islam, Hinduism and Buddhism. Islamic hardliners regard them as heretics.

Lalon never had a formal education but composed hundreds of songs about religious tolerance that inspired contemporary poets and thinkers.

Most Bauls are ascetics. They travel on foot from town to town singing and begging alms, staying at ashrams, and have no fixed address. Some choose to remain in their homes but live a quiet, secluded life of music and worship.

Bauls are easily identified by their long hair, ektara and distinctive white, red and orange robes. Anyone can join if they adhere to their belief system.

In 2005, the Baul tradition was included in the list of Masterpieces of the Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanity by UNESCO.

Bauls are growing in popularity as people are attracted to their teachings on humanism, inclusion and rejection of consumerism, said Abdel Mannan, a Baul researcher and founder of the Lalon Bishwa Sangha, an organization promoting the music and philosophy of Lalon.

"The world is full of evils today, people are overburdened with problems and they want to find peace. Lalon has taught us how to gain spiritual atonement and peace. This is why more and more people are interested in Bauls and eager to learn life lessons from them," Mannan told ucanews.com.

"People realize today that organized religions can't help us reach the Creator as they were promoted by imperialists. They also no longer believe the misconception that Lalon was an atheist," he added.

A Christian Baul

Subash Rozario, 36, was born to a Catholic family northern Natore district and has been involved with the Baul tradition since 2004.

"The idea of discovering God through one's self attracted me to Lalon and Baul philosophy," Rozario told ucanews.com.

He originally wanted to enter the Society of Jesus congregation, but a Jesuit priest who specialized in folklore inspired him: "Your mind is like the Bauls, so I think it will great if you become a mystic."

"People used to consider Bauls as addicts and hippies. But this mindset has changed and people have discovered the great ideas of Lalon's philosophy," the mystic singer said.

Rozario's decision met with mixed reactions from his community. 

"People, even priests and religious leaders, used to say Lalon was born a Hindu and raised by a Muslim preacher; so his philosophy has nothing to do with Christianity. But others found that you could mingle the Christian experience with his ideology," he said.

"Today, I feel proud that I don't follow religion in the traditional, organized way because I believe it can't help people find true happiness and peace. Christianity has confined God within boundaries, but He is limitless. I don't think God would be displeased if someone like me leads a good life following Lalon's ideology," he said. 

  

'Persecution can't stop us'

Although Bauls are pacifists, who preach humanity and religious tolerance, Islamic radicals have attacked them.

In 2014, fundamentalists attacked a group of the wandering mystics, shaving their long hair and beards and forcing them to recite Islamic prayers.

A professor of sociology who taught Baul philosophy was hacked to death, allegedly by Islamic militants the same year.

In 2015, a group of Islamic hardliners burned down the new Lalon International Yoga Center in northeastern Sherpur district.

This year, another group of hardliners stormed into a Baul akhra ("residing place") and beat three sleeping singers in southwestern Jhenaidah district.

The latest attack came during a surge in Islamic militancy in the country, which included a chain of murders targeting atheist bloggers, liberal activists, foreigners and religious minorities.

Reza Pagol, 60, the leader of the Baul group that suffered the latest attack, said he has faced persecution many times.

"I have been an ardent Lalon follower since school. I left my wife, son and daughter to preach Lalon's teachings to people. I was put into jail five times and many times radicals beat me with iron chains, but I didn't give up," Reza told ucanews.com, while attending the Lalon festival.

"Lalon has taught us non-violence, humanity and tolerance. We might face persecution from misinformed people, but it can't stop us. Rather, we try to change their mind through our message of humanism and love for all," he added.

END

Original Story by Stephan Uttom and Rock Ronald Rozario

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Bangladesh's existential threat

Until a few years ago, people in Bangladesh used to exhale a sigh of relief whenever there were tragic events of violent extremism in Pakistan or Afghanistan.

They took pride in defining themselves against a country they considered full of religious bigots responsible for carrying out bloody attacks on minorities and brave citizens who oppose extremism.

They felt satisfied that their forefathers had parted ways with Pakistan to make way for an independent Bangladesh through the 1971 war.

In recent times, this sense of relief, pride and satisfaction has been fading fast with a gradual rise of religious intolerance and extremism in the country.

Since 2013, Bangladesh has seen seven secular bloggers, writers and publishers brutally murdered, allegedly by Islamist militants, including four bloggers and one publisher this year alone. Only one blogger narrowly escaped death. Their writings and publications were critical of religion and the political use of religion, especially Islam.

By the time Bangladesh was reeling from the killings of an Italian aid worker and a Japanese man in September and October, alleged jihadists bombed a Shiite festival in Dhaka, killing two and injuring dozens on Oct. 24.

In the latest episode, two groups of attackers entered two publishing houses in Dhaka and hacked two publishers and two writers with machetes and cleavers on Oct. 31. Faisal Arefin Dipan, owner of Jagriti Prokashony, died of his wounds inside the locked office, while Ahmedur Rashid Tutul, owner of Suddhaswar, and his two writer friends were critically wounded.

Dipan and Tutul had earlier printed books by U.S.-based Bangladeshi blogger and science writer Avijit Roy, hacked to death on the streets of Dhaka in February, allegedly by militants.

In March 2014, a popular Bangladesh online bookstore had stopped selling Roy's books after a local Islamist extremist issued death threats to its owner.

Ansarullah Bangla Team, a banned local militant outfit, presumably linked to al-Qaida on the Indian subcontinent, claimed responsibility for attacks on bloggers and publishers. The Islamic State jihadist group has taken credit for the killings of the two foreigners and for bombing the Shia festival.

In September, Ansarullah Bangla Team published a hit list of 20 Bangladeshi bloggers based in the United States and Europe. Some of these bloggers have dual citizenship; some of them fled the country during the past two years after death threats.

Fearing extremist attacks, several prominent writers and bloggers have already withdrawn from critical writings; many have taken measures to ensure security in their public life.

 A grave threat

The persecution of freethinkers in Bangladesh is not without precedence.

In 1994, radical Islamists issued death threats to Taslima Nasrin, a prominent female writer, for her writings on feminism and criticism of religion. She has been living in exile ever since. 

In 2004, Humayun Azad, a renowned linguist and author, escaped a brutal assassination attempt in Dhaka, after he wrote a political satire that criticizes the political use of Islam. Azad later died in his sleep during a trip to Germany, largely due to trauma over the attack.

In 2013, Hefazat-e-Islam, a radical Islamic group, published a list of 84 secular bloggers and marched in Dhaka demanding the execution of atheist bloggers and the installation of a blasphemy law. The group is allegedly linked to country's largest radical Islamic party Jamaat-e-Islami, whose entire leadership is being prosecuted for war crimes during Bangladesh's liberation war.

Jamaat opposed Bangladesh's independence. It stands accused of helping the Pakistan army in the torture and massacre of pro-independence people, including some 200 Bengali intellectuals during the war.

Many believe that Jamaat has sponsored Hefazat-e-Islam to hunt the bloggers, who were at the forefront of organizing a massive rally called the "Shahbag movement" for the trial and execution of all war criminals.

Whether the attackers of freethinkers have their base in international jihadist groups like al-Qaida or the Islamic State, or in local Islamic political parties, they pose a grave threat to Bangladesh's existence.

Recently, there has been a growing dispute between Western intelligence services and Bangladesh's government over who is responsible for the recent spate of attacks. Foreign intelligence services claim they have passed credible information to the government on the activities of the Islamic State jihadist group. But the government has repeatedly refused the claim and stressed that the attacks came from within — from extremists allied with opposition political parties.

Frustratingly, the government has failed to prove opposition links to extremist violence and refused to consider alternative explanations linking international terror groups.

Most apathetically, the home minister called the recent attacks "isolated incidents" that could happen anywhere in the world. Earlier, the police chief admonished bloggers for their writings and warned them not to "cross the line."

Emboldening extremism

Ironically, the deceased freethinkers have been largely supportive of the so-called secular ruling Awami League government that led the country during the independence struggles.

The government has failed to conduct a proper probe, and to deliver justice for bloggers, which ultimately emboldens the extremists. Moreover, it has refrained from taking the side of bloggers publicly, and didn't do enough to protect them.

Freethinkers are the architects of a nation; they are revered and loved for their contributions. Sadly, a nation that was born with the guiding light of freethinkers, through the independence war in 1971, is collectively failing to protect them from the onslaught of persecution. Everyone including the government, civil society and common people must take blame for this failure.

Apart from an end to socioeconomic oppression, Bangladesh's independence was a victory for a moderate form of Islam practiced by the majority of Muslims in this part of the world.

The country's founding fathers inserted secularism and freedom of thought as key principles of the constitution, in order to make Bangladesh a true democracy with respect for a multitude of religions, ethnicities and differences of opinion. Due to the bitter experience with Pakistan, the country's founders banned religion-based politics, constitutionally.

The march toward a secular, democratic society was halted with the assassination of the country's founding leader, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, in a 1975 military coup and the subsequent military rule of the next 15 years, which led to a revival of Islamic parties and religion-based politics.

Democracy was restored in the early 1990s, but the influence of Islamists continued, which ultimately gave birth to several homegrown militant outfits since 2000 that were responsible for attacking anything they deemed un-Islamic.

The government has struggled to contain these jihadists, who aim to make Bangladesh an Islamic state.

As the attacks on freethinkers continue, a climate of fear and insecurity has gripped people. They now question whether they are still the proud citizens of a country that has a long history of tolerance and religious harmony. They wonder if the country is still committed to its founding principles of secularism and freedom of thought.

Despite being a Muslim-majority country, a strong sense of nationalism based on culture, rational thinking, religious and ethnic diversity has been a core value of Bangladesh.

The extremists are out on the streets to wipe out rationalist freethinkers in order to pave the way for an Islamic state. If the government fails to stop this rising tide of intolerance and extremism, a similar fate could await Bangladesh as what is being seen in Pakistan, Afghanistan and Middle East countries.

No doubt, Bangladesh is at an identity crisis. As freethinkers bemoan the loss of their space in society and the pen's diminished power amid the preying of machete-wielding extremists, a disaster is looming for Bangladesh.

If Bangladesh fails to protect freethinkers from intolerance and extremists, the nation will be devoured from within by radicals, and ultimately fall apart.

END

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In Bangladesh, murders of atheist bloggers show dangers of apathy

Hundreds of students and secular activists this week peacefully marched in Sylhet, a city in northeastern Bangladesh. They gathered to mourn and to protest the heinous killing of atheist blogger and writer Ananta Bijoy Das, allegedly by machete-wielding Islamic militants.

The protesters demanded justice for the killing and criticized the Awami League government for failing to protect free thinkers like Das from the fury of religious fanatics. They also condemned a culture of impunity amid a string of attacks on secular writers and bloggers in the country in recent years. “The government must crush this evil force now,” some chanted during the protest, “or this evil force will crush Bangladesh one day.”

But sadly, Das’ death is unlikely to cause any ripple effect in the waters of this nation’s 160 million people, despite garnering massive international media coverage.

For more than a decade, a war of words between secularists and Islamists has been a common topic on the country’s social media and blogosphere. And now the fanatics are vigorously carrying out their agenda by taking the war onto the streets.

Das, 33, was a banker, editor and blogger who promoted scientific ideas and rationalism through his writing. He became the third recent victim in what has been a one-sided war: Avijit Roy, a US-based Bangladeshi writer and blogger was murdered in February, while blogger Washiqur Rahman was killed a month later.

Now, more than four decades after gaining independence from Pakistan in 1971, Bangladesh is once again at a crossroads.

The nation’s victory during the war defined Bangladesh as a secular, democratic nation. But the cold-blooded killings of the bloggers in broad daylight show the ghosts of the past are back from the shadows.

It remains to be seen whether or not the perpetrators of these killings have been supported by Islamist parties or more radical groups. But it is clear they have an agenda: to wipe our rationalists and secularists.

No doubt their bases are strong. But there is an even greater force that helps them to thrive: a serious lack of sympathy and action from the public, civil society and the ruling and opposition parties amid growing religious intolerance.

“This was well-planned, choreographed — a global act of terrorism. But what almost bothers me more is that no one from the Bangladesh government has reached out to me,” Rafida Ahmed Bonya, widow of slain blogger Roy, told Reuters in a recent interview, criticizing the Bangladesh government for not responding more aggressively to her husband’s killing.

“It’s as if I don’t exist, and they are afraid of the extremists. Is Bangladesh going to be the next Pakistan or Afghanistan?”

In response, Sajeeb Wazed, the son of Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and an informal advisor to the ruling party, said his mother offered personal condolences to Roy's father. But his explanation of what he believes to be Bangladesh’s volatile political situation is telling.

“We are walking a fine line here. We don’t want to be seen as atheists. It doesn’t change our core beliefs. We believe in secularism,” he said. “But given that our opposition party plays that religion card against us relentlessly, we can’t come out strongly for him. It’s about perception, not about reality.”

Although police made arrests after the attacks, there is still a lack of genuine interest in punishing the killers, leaving the cases in limbo. There is also no clear-cut political commitment to tackle the rise of Islamic militancy.

The ruling Awami League, in power since 2008, led the nation during the independence struggle and calls itself a secular, center-left party. But it has done little to crack down on Islamists and punish those who attack bloggers. The party has refrained from publicly condemning the attacks on the bloggers and has done almost nothing to protect them.

In fear of losing votes during the last election, the government went on to appease Islamists by arresting several bloggers and erasing hundreds of blog posts.

The center-right Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), the second largest party, has maintained an utter silence on the matter, fearing backlash from longtime ally Jamaat-e-Islami, the country’s largest radical Islamist party.

In fact, BNP has a record of siding with Islamists since the founding of the party by military dictator Ziaur Rahman in 1978. After swarming into power in 1977, Ziaur Rahman allowed religion-based politics and Islamic parties that had been banned after the independence war. He amended the original constitution of 1972 and added “absolute trust and faith in Almighty Allah”, replacing the socialist religious-free commitment to “secularism” as one of the four key principles, in order to make the country more Islamic.

In the preamble of the constitution he asserted the Islamic phrase “Bismillahir-Rahmaanir-Rahim"("In the name of Allah, the Beneficent, the Merciful"). Power has altered between Awami League and BNP since the return to parliamentary democracy in the 1990s, but none of the parties dared to make the constitution truly secular and democratic. After a Supreme Court verdict in 2010 in favor of secular principles, the Awami League reasserted ‘secularism’ in the constitution, but didn’t change Bismillahir-Rahmaanir-Rahim or touch Islam as the state religion.

From 2001 to 2006, the BNP-Jamaat alliance ruled the country and their five-year rule saw a massive rise in Islamic militancy. Militant outfits carried out a series of bomb attacks on cultural programs, political rallies and courts deemed un-Islamic. At the height of the attacks, a militant group detonated some 500 bombs in 63 of the 64 districts of Bangladesh on August 17, 2005. At the time, many feared the country was plunging into a civil war like that waged by the Taliban in Afghanistan.

Amid a media outcry and international pressure, the government banned two militant groups — Harkat-ul-Jihad and Jamaat-ul-Mujahedin Bangladesh — and arrested and executed their top leaders. Although many members of these groups went into hiding, recent media reports suggest they are regrouping under different banners and recruiting university students. Ansarullah Bangla Team, one of those regrouped militant outfits, claimed responsibility for blogger Washiqur Rahman’s murder.

Experts say these groups are thriving amid the recent feuds and political violence between the Awami League and BNP. As the government and opposition keep busy hunting each other, fanatics are advancing their own agendas.

Nobody is doing enough to resist the rising tide of religious fundamentalism. The government is apathetic, civil society is indifferent, and the masses are simply silent.

History shows us that letting religious fanaticism thrive is dangerous and disastrous in the long run. The war waged by the Islamic State in the Middle East, or the Taliban in Pakistan and Afghanistan didn’t happen in a day.

Bangladesh used to be called one of the most moderate Muslim countries in the world, but that is no more.

When the nation as a whole feels no urge to act when a writer is killed in broad daylight, it is a troubling sign indeed.

Unless there is a change of mind in all quarters of the nation on the issue, there is no doubt that evil forces will one day swallow and control Bangladesh.

Bangladesh needs to rise to the challenge before it’s too late.

END

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Land grabbing drives lawlessness and deaths in Bangladesh

An indigenous Santal man in Dinajpur district (Photo: Rock Ronald Rozario)

In separate incidents last week, a tribal Santal man was murdered, and an Oraon woman was gang raped by Muslim men in northern Bangladesh. A local member of the ruling Awami League Party was charged and arrested for the rape.

In Rangpur district, 10 policemen guard Christ the Savior Catholic Church after an armed attack on priests and nuns, allegedly by a Muslim mob, on July 7.

Asaduzzaman Saja Fakir, a member of the opposition Jatiya Party, known for his anti-tribal and anti-Church activities, is thought to be behind the attack. For years, the Church has resisted Fakir’s attempts to illegally occupy a piece of land owned by a Church-run school.

On July 24, police in Naogaon district exhumed the body of Ovidio Marandy, a top government official and tribal Santal Catholic, for a post-mortem.

Marandy, 32, was a vocal opponent of land grabs. Prior to his death on January 11, he had clashed with Abul Kalam Azad, an Awami League parliamentarian from Govindaganj in Gaibandha district accused of grabbing some 40 hectares of land from local tribal people since the 1980s.

Before he was buried, Marandy’s family noted that neither his injuries nor the damage to his vehicle matched the “road accident” story. It took more than six months for them to secure a post-mortem.

Meanhwile, seven tribal Oraon Catholic men are languishing in jail after they were falsely charged with the murder of a Muslim man in Bolakipur area in Dinajpur district in June last year.

Azizur Prodhan and his cousin Mofazzal Prodhan, also a member of the Awami League, have been in dispute with tribals in the area over land that they say they purchased legally nearly 40 years ago, and allegedly instigated an attack on local tribal Catholic villagers.

The man whom they say was murdered died of a heart attack during the counter-attack. Franciscan Father Jerome Rozario, assistant pastor at Mariampur Catholic Church, claims the Prodhans bribed police and doctors to get a medical certificate claiming that it was murder.

Five different cases, but all have one common cause – battles over land. Police made arrests in each case, but justice is likely to be elusive.

The victims are Christian and non-Christian tribal people, from predominantly tribal areas. In at least four out of the five cases, the aggressors wield considerable political clout.

Denial of justice

Hunger for land is inevitable in Bangladesh, a nation of 160 million people crammed into just 147,570 square kilometers.

A population boom has fueled the hunger. This largely agricultural, Muslim-majority nation has lost vast areas of land due to the demands of housing, urbanization and industrialization.

“About three million civil and criminal court cases are rolling in Bangladesh judiciary, and 75 percent are related to land disputes,” said Shamsul Huda, executive director of the Association for Land Reform and Development, a Dhaka-based advocacy group.

In this low lying river delta country, the shifting of rivers, an outdated land record system, forgery and corruption are blamed for many of the land disputes. With the legal system still too expensive and with little government incentive, the poor and marginalized are often denied justice.

“Our legal system is discriminatory, anti-poor and anti-indigenous people,” Huda said. “It always favors the rich and powerful. They can go to police and bribe them and they can even influence the judiciary. But the poor can do nothing. In 99 percent of cases true justice is never done.”

Christians, the majority of them Catholics, make up less than half a percent of the population, and nearly half of them belong to ethnic tribal groups.

Most tribals migrated from various Indian states during British rule to work as agricultural and day workers. The British gave them land to live on and cultivate, mostly with verbal permission. This paperless allocation has contributed to many of the current conflicts with Muslims.

“In the past, there have been dozens of attacks from land grabbers on tribals, and at least 10 Christians have been killed. No case has seen justice yet,” said Nirmol Rozario, secretary of the Bangladesh Christian Association. “This culture of impunity encourages more attacks.”

Rabindranath Soren, president of the Jatiya Adivasi Parishad tribal rights group, says about 140 tribal people have been killed and more than a dozen tribal women raped for their land in the past four decades. It has forced some 10,000 tribal people to migrate to India.

“Tribal people face systematic violence for land, but the government and local administration are apathetic towards them,” Soren said. “Our constitutional right to live as equal citizens of the country is being violated but no one seems to bother.”

Rights activist Rosaline Costa from Hotline Human Rights Trust says that for the most part, political parties lose nothing by neglecting tribal people.

“It is easy to make them a scapegoat,” she said. “They are a double minority because they are poor and tribal. They don’t have power and money to fight land grabbers who are often backed by political parties.”

More than a century ago European missionairies purchased huge amounts of land for each parish they set up in Dinajpur and neighboring Rajshahi. This makes the Church a target of land grabbers as well.

Sonatan Das, a junior lawyer and secretary of the Land Commission in Dinajpur diocese, says there are currently 52 court cases regarding land disputes between the Church and Muslims in Dinajpur.

Initially, the local government and administration show sympathy to tribal people when they face violence, but the situation changes when attackers wield their political and financial influence.

Outdated land records and discriminatory legal system

In 1950, the government fixed the ceiling for individual land ownership at 13.48 hectares. In 1984, a Land Reform Act reduced the ceiling to 8.1 hectares in an effort to carry out agrarian reform and divide the country’s land more evenly.

But the country’s elites never followed the rule and never returned excess land to the state. Moreover, there has never been a ceiling system for urban areas.

“Rich people can own 20 apartments or 20 multi-storied complexes in a city like Dhaka, and there is no law to restrict them,” said Huda.

About 1.3 million hectares of government owned lands are currently held by influential elites, according to the Land Ministry.  

Bangladesh’s land records registration system is still paper-based and outdated; it makes corruption and forgery easy. Often, landowners find that their property has been sold to others without their knowledge and they are forced to go to court to get the land back.

Cases linger for years and families are often forced to spend huge sums to recover property. Often this requires selling other property, ultimately leaving them landless.

In 2000 the government passed a legal aid act to help poor people in legal cases, but beneficiaries are very few. “Less than five percent of people get this sort of legal aid,” said Huda. “In most cases, they often hesitate to go to court, fearing further troubles.”

While Finance Minister Abul Maal Abdul Muhith recently said the land records system is being computerized and modernized, activists are skeptical about real progress.

“Updating the land records system won’t in itself change anything,” said Huda. “The whole system should be changed, including the law and trial system.

“The land law must be changed to make it eligible to favor rich and poor equally. There should be land tribunals in each district of the country and also in the Supreme Court. The land cases should be resolved quickly and no case should take more than two to three years,” said Huda.

“Once it is done, 75 percent of the court cases will be gone within 10 or 15 years. But this will require lots of effort from the government, and they must do it for good.”

END

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More than 100 feared dead in Bangladesh ferry accident

Relatives mourn a victim of ferry accident in Bangladesh (Photo: Shahadat Hossain)

At least 125 people were missing and presumed dead Tuesday after an overloaded ferry with more than 200 passengers capsized on Monday while crossing a river in central Bangladesh.

The ferry MV Pinak-6 sank in the Padma River in Munshiganj district, about 44 kms from Dhaka.

Rescuers managed to save about 100 people following the sinking in rough waters and strong currents.

Only two bodies were recovered as of Tuesday morning.

Local media reported the ferry was carrying 250 passengers but officials at Bangladesh Inland Water Transport Authority (BIWTA) could not confirm the figure as ferry operators in Bangladesh rarely keep passenger lists.

“The ferry was allowed 85 people but was carrying at least three times that number,” said Abdus Salam, administrative director at Fire Service and Civil Defense department.

“It tilted over and sank as it reached middle of the river when strong currents hit and panicking people started moving from one side to the other,” he said.

Rescuers failed to locate the position of the sunken ferry until Tuesday morning due to bad weather.

Thousands of anxious relatives gathered on the riverbank soon after the accident. Aminul Islam, 32 said his elder brother Hafizul and his family were on the doomed ferry.

Bangladesh police make arrest in killing of tribal villager

Tribal villagers carry the body of a fellow villager allegedly murdered by Muslims over a land dispute in northern Bangladesh (Photo: Antuni David)

Police in the Dinajpur district of northern Bangladesh arrested one person after a tribal Santal farmer was beaten to death by Muslim men on Saturday, allegedly over a long-running land dispute.

Dhudu Soren, 52, the father of four, died in a hospital in neighboring Rangpur district on Saturday after being beaten and stabbed by a group of Muslims, allegedly led by Abdul Goffar, while on his way to a local market in Khalippur village.

Over four decades Goffar’s family has been in dispute over 2.74 acres of land owned by Dhudu’s family. A legal battle in the court is ongoing.

Dhudu’s family members allege that in 1971 Dhudu’s father Fagu Soren and in 2011 his brother Gosai Soren were victims of secret killings by Goffar’s men.

“A case was filed against eight people by Dhudu’s son Robi on Sunday and we arrested Goffar’s wife. The other accused, including prime suspect Goffar, have fled the area and we are trying to locate and arrest them too,” said Mohammad Amirul Islam, of Nwabganj police station in Dinajpur.

Islam said they found serious injuries to the hands and legs of Dhudu before his body was sent for a post mortem. “The culprits used bamboo sticks and a knife to attack him. We have seized the weapons.”