Dec 8, 2019

Bangladesh fails to control hidden radicalism

Islamist activists protest in Dhaka on Oct. 21, a day after deadly clashes following a Facebook post that allegedly defamed the Prophet Muhammad. The failure to punish extremists threatens religious harmony. (Photo by Munir Uz Zaman/AFP)

An unusual but most welcome calm prevailed at Borhanuddin in Bhola district of southern Bangladesh on Oct. 20.

Tensions had run high in the area over two days, involving the Muslim majority but also a handful of Hindus, over a Facebook messenger post that defamed Islam and the Prophet Muhammad.

A radical Islamic group, Touhidi Janata (Movement for Islamic Uprising), vowed to avenge the "hurtful religious sentiments" and declared a mass protest gathering on Oct. 20.

Biplob Chandra Shuvo, a Hindu man, was in the eye of the storm for allegedly spreading the messages. He told police on Oct. 19 that his account had been hacked and two Muslims were quickly arrested for the crime, allegedly carried out for the purpose of extortion.

Police engaged with Muslim clerics to assure them that action was being taken and asked them to cancel the impending gathering to avoid likely violence.

The clerics agreed but failed to stop Muslims from joining the protesters, who soon became a violent mob chanting Islamic slogans and demanding the death penalty for the Hindu man.

They vandalized Hindu temples and Hindu people's homes before attacking police with bamboo and bricks. Officers fired back — four rioters were killed and more than 100 people, including police, were injured.

News of the deaths infuriated Islamic hardliners. In Chittagong, clerics and students from the Hathazari Mosque and madrasa organized another march and attacked the local police station.

The escalating tension was only defused after Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina warned of "stern action" against anyone attempting to create "anarchy" over the situation.

Three men, including the Hindu, remained in police custody a week later, while police arrested hundreds of unnamed rioters in connection with the violence.


A new, recurring pattern of hate crime

The Bhola episode was unexpected but not unprecedented. Muslim-majority Bangladesh has seen similar communally charged violence targeting minority communities in recent years.

In 2012, Muslims attacked and vandalized 19 Buddhist temples, some of them centuries old, and about 100 Buddhist houses in Ramu, Cox's Bazar and Patiya, Chittagong.

The trigger for violence was an image of a burned Quran posted on Facebook by a Buddhist man. Media investigations found the account had been hacked and the image doctored.

In 2013, religious extremists vandalized 26 Hindu houses, attacked Hindu people and accused a grade 10 Hindu boy of insulting the Prophet Muhammad on his Facebook page. The post was later found to have never been posted at all.

In 2016, Islamic radicals in the Nasir Nagar area of Brahmanbaria district vandalized Hindu temples and houses after accusing a Hindu fisherman of posts on Facebook that denigrated Islam and the Prophet Muhammad.

Police later found the Hindu man's account had also been hacked and the image in fact posted from the capital Dhaka.

In another similar case, Hindus at Thakur Para area in Rangpur district came under attack in 2017 after a Hindu allegedly made derogatory remarks against Islam on Facebook.
Although police made arrests on every one of those occasions, justice is still in limbo in Bangladesh.

The danger of 'silent radicalism'

The failure to deliver justice for hate crimes has tarnished the country's tolerant and pluralistic image, while it also reveals the vulnerability of its religious and ethnic minorities to a small but strong group of religious bigots.

And, most of all, it shows that the ruling government, despite laudable efforts to neutralize Islamic militancy in recent times, has been unable to eradicate radicals deeply entrenched in society.

For years, these "silent radicals" have existed with the explicit and tacit backing of local Islamists, Islamist politicians and also foreign funders, including Middle East countries exporting extremist Islam globally.

The extremists continue to survive through a network of radical mosques and colleges, numerous Islamic charities, economic and social enterprises in various areas, all of which contribute to their ever-growing influence in their areas.

Thus, it is not difficult for them to manipulate poor rural Muslims, turning them into violent mobs that attack minorities and even against members of Islamic sects such as Shia and Ahmadis.

Bangladesh has seen three phases of the rise of deadly Islamic militancy, in the 1990s, 2001 and 2013. These silent radical elements provided the breeding grounds for lethal militancy that culminated in the deadly Dhaka café attack on July 1, 2016.

Since 2013, Islamic militants have murdered about 50 people, including atheist bloggers and publishers, liberal academics, religious minorities and foreigners.

In response, law enforcers have killed about 50 militants and arrested hundreds of leaders and operatives in extremist outfits.

Apart from the crackdown, little has been done to tackle radicalism at its core, the heart of Bangladeshi society, except for some efforts to engage in dialogue with religious leaders and academic institutes against militancy.

Those minimal efforts have also faded now, but the danger of extremism still lurks.

Bangladesh has been known as a haven for religious harmony ever since it gained its independence from staunchly Islamic Pakistan in 1971.

The 1972 constitution guarantees religious pluralism and religious freedom for every citizen in a country where most Muslims adhere to a moderate form of Sunni Islam.

Military rulers from 1975-90 amended the constitution to give it an Islamic flavor, such as by inserting the Islamic phrase Bismillahir Rahmanir Rahim (In the name of Allah, the most merciful) and recognized Islam as the state religion, but most people remained committed to a pluralistic and harmonious coexistence.

This commitment is the reason why Bangladesh has not experienced frequent sectarian violence as have other countries in the region in recent decades, including India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Myanmar.

Islamic radicals and militants have cast a heavy blow to Bangladesh's long-held pride of being a country of moderate Islam and religious harmony.

The government crackdown may have dismantled militant outfits and networks but the silent radicals are still quietly at work, pursuing their dream of an uprising and, ultimately, an Islamic state. It is a silent but strong ongoing movement, but there is no such strong counter-movement.

Previous incidents since 2012 were just signs of what the silent radicals could do, but the writing on the wall has been ignored. Thus, the stage was set for the violence in Bhola.

It shows Bangladesh has failed again. Whether it is now too late to retain the country's coveted pluralism and harmony remains to be seen.

END

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